For Pastors and Church Leaders

Woodcut engraving of an open Bible and a lit candle — Pastoral clarity precedes public action: Scripture governs how the church addresses the magistrate.

The Turned Over Hypothesis

Romans 1 gives us the diagnosis: when a people refuse to honor God and give Him thanks, He gives them over to a debased mind. This is not a political problem. It is a judgment.

Abortion is the visible fruit. The slaughter of the pre-born is what happens when a society rejects the Lordship of Christ. We see it in Georgia. We see it everywhere.

The remedy is not "culture war" or "conservative values." The only remedy is repentance. Pastors must lead the way in calling both the Church and the State to submit to King Jesus.

Before We Ask Your Church to Say Anything

A congregation will not carry a bill that puts its own members in prison. We are not going to ask you to bless something we have not first made safe for the women in your pews, and we are not going to pretend otherwise about what equal protection requires.

What equal protection means, plainly: if the pre-born is a person under the law, then the law applies to everyone who kills that person, including the mother. Georgia's current six-week ban exempts the mother entirely. HB 441 removes that blanket immunity and replaces it with a coercion defense — the defendant proves she was forced. That is the difference between a statute that criminalizes women and a statute that treats them as parties to a homicide they may have been forced into.

Three conditions, in order, before we ask:

No investigation of pregnancy loss. A miscarriage cannot be a crime scene. Georgia loses roughly a fifth of pregnancies to miscarriage and stillbirth; no version of equal protection that investigates that is going to be carried by a church.
The coercion defense stays in the bill — proven by the defendant, in court, exactly as it exists today in HB 441.
Prosecutor guidance telling district attorneys how the defense is applied in practice.

If a bill does not carry all three, we will not ask your church to endorse it. That is not softening. That is the doctrine: partiality in the law is what we are abolishing, and a statute that shields the murderer by statute while punishing everyone else is not equal protection.

The Church Kit

We are preparing church kits to help your congregation engage this work. Each kit is built around what a local church can actually do:

Teaching resources — the biblical and moral ground of equal protection, and the confession we have to make about fifty years of regulation instead of abolition.
The bill, annotated — what HB 441 does, what the coercion defense does, and the arguments that have been made against it, with sources.
Guidance for mercy ministries — how to walk with a woman facing an abortion without making the child secondary and without making her a lawbreaker in her own hour of need.
How to talk to your own legislators — asking for a position, and holding the answer.

The kits are still in development. We would rather tell you that plainly than announce something we have not finished.

Where We Actually Stand

Your pastors will ask what is possible. Here is the honest answer as of the 2026 election.

What happened. HB 441, the Georgia Prenatal Equal Protection Act, was filed in February 2025 and heard in committee that March. It never received a committee vote and died at sine die on April 2, 2026. Georgia Life Alliance formally opposed it.

What changed. Democrats now hold roughly 91 of 180 House seats and have nominated Rep. Carolyn Hugley for Speaker. No equal protection bill can clear a Democratic House. Republicans retain the Senate, 29 seats to 27, and those 29 are the entire defense of Georgia's six-week ban — which Gov.-elect Bottoms has said she will repeal at the first opportunity.

What is left. Holding those 29 senators against repeal. Defending Georgia's own personhood language in the SisterSong litigation, where the incoming attorney general has said she will not defend abortion access and has no obligation to defend a statute she disagrees with. And building the 2028 file — every seat in the state comes up that year, on maps that cannot be redrawn.

One number for that last part: in the May 2026 Republican primary, an abolitionist challenger took 24.8% of the vote in a safely Republican district. Nearly a quarter of a primary electorate chose equal protection over the establishment's position.

Are you a Pastor?

Connect your congregation with the Georgia coalition. We share church kits, bill analysis, and local district contacts as churches verify.